British Irish Rights Watch

Comments on Northern Ireland Policing Board report on ‘Young people’s attitudes and experiences of policing, violence and community safety in North Belfast’. (June 2005)

British Irish Rights Watch is an independent non-governmental organisation that has been monitoring the human rights dimension of the conflict, and the peace process, in Northern Ireland since 1990. Our services are available, free of charge, to anyone whose human rights have been violated because of the conflict, regardless of religious, political or community affiliations. We take no position on the eventual constitutional outcome of the peace process.

According to the report, North Belfast has been marked by violence and disorder in recent years, peaking in two key events: the 1996 dispute over parades, notably at Drumcree, and the Holy Cross events of 2001. Ongoing tensions appear to be linked to the changes in North Belfast’s demographics (a young and growing Catholic population compared to a shrinking and ageing Protestant population) and a consistent suspicion and mistrust of the police by both communities. Young people become involved in community violence and public disorder in two main ways: as participants, often referred to as ‘recreational rioting’, and as the victims of violence, especially those living and attending schools in North Belfast.

The research project utilised questionnaires, distributed to eleven of the twelve post-primary schools in North Belfast and completed by 2,486 young people aged 14-17; focus groups with young people; focus groups with police officers; and interviews with community representatives.

- Violence and public disorder have been experienced by the majority of young people in North Belfast. It occurred while travelling to school, in violence at interfaces, paramilitary violence and in violence linked to parades.

- Those who had the greatest experience of a wide range of violence lived and were educated in North Belfast, as opposed to those young people who were educated in North Belfast, but lived elsewhere in the city.

- Young people consistently viewed the police in a negative light, especially in contrast to the other emergency services. Their experiences of, and interaction with, the police were poor and included for instance, allegations of verbal harassment.

- Young people had strong views on which issues the police should be prioritising, and on how policing could be improved.

26% of young people feel intimidated travelling to/from school. Such intimidation was more likely to be experienced by Catholic girls (31%) and least likely by Protestant boys (14%). Older respondents felt more intimidated, perhaps as they had previously experienced school related violence/harassment. Just over half (51%) of young people had experienced a violent incident or been threatened – this was primarily centred on attacks on their school bus. Those perpetrating the violence appeared to be wearing school uniform, i.e. other young people. Unfortunately how young people felt about youth-on-youth violence was not explored in the research; so any correlation between being a victim of such violence, and then participating in such violence has not been examined. Similarly, there was no mention of the relationships between schools of other communities; for instance, cross community activities which have brought schools together must surely impact on the levels of violence by young people.

75% of those questioned had friends from a different community background. However, the likelihood of this occurring was greater in the Catholic community, and increased if Catholic respondents lived outside North Belfast. With regard to extra-curricula cross-community activities, 31% of young people had participated in such projects. However 19% of young people indicated that they did not want to participate in such projects, of whom 27% were male and 14% female. Again, those who lived outside North Belfast were more likely to participate in such activities. These results seem to indicate the deep entrenchment of sectarianism within North Belfast, and the difficulties of engaging young men in such initiatives. Unfortunately, this report fails to investigate the impact of gender on how young people are socialised into violence.

61% of respondents believed that their community background was a significant factor in restricting their movements. Primarily, this was noted in relation to meeting friends, closely followed by their ability to go to the leisure centre. These experiences were more keenly felt by Catholic youth (68%) than Protestant youth (50%). However, the research failed to investigate what the respondents thought would happen to them if they went to an area where their community background would have consequences for them. It would also be relevant to consider what experiences young people had had where their community background directly influenced their movements.

82% of young people indicated they had experience of violence in North Belfast; the most often cited being ‘fighting between members of the Catholic and Protestant communities (61%), followed by fighting with the police (50%)’.[2] This was age-specific, with 37% of 14 year olds indicating an experience of violence, in contrast to 50% of 17 year olds. It was also location specific, i.e. respondents were more likely to experience violence if they resided in North Belfast. Half of the respondents felt these incidents had affected them in some way; most frequently in their perceived ability to travel through parts of North Belfast. This was divided on gender lines, with 28% of females in contrast to 23% of males, being fearful of travel. Members of the Catholic community were also more likely to be affected: 31% versus 19% from the Protestant community. Although there were thirteen effects of violence noted in the questionnaire, it may have been relevant to widen the categories, and to focus on the family’s experience, rather than simply that of the young person. For instance, increased tension between communities may well contribute directly to a rise in domestic violence within the home, or violence on the streets. Other effects may appear such as increased arguing between parents which can impact upon the state of young people’s mental health.

The responsibility for sectarian violence lay in several quarters: Catholic and Protestant youth, loyalist and republican paramilitaries, police, political organisations, and Loyal Orders. Respondents indicated that a reduction in violence could best be achieved by removing all paramilitary groups (26%), and banning all the parades (19%). However, this latter response was divided along community lines; only 5% of Protestants suggested banning parades, compared to 26% of Catholics. 30% of young Protestants believed an absence of paramilitary groups would decrease sectarian incidents, in contrast to 24% of Catholic young people.

The police were viewed as holding the most authority within the young people’s community, followed by the paramilitaries. This was further reflected by a question about which group young people would contact for assistance; here again the police were most often cited. However 30% of Catholics, in contrast to 51% of Protestants, perceived paramilitary groups as having the most authority in their community. When this authority was viewed in terms of whom to contact for assistance, 21% of young Protestants would contact paramilitary groups in contrast to only 8% of young Catholics. It can be concluded from these results that loyalist paramilitaries have a greater influence over their community, than republicans do over the nationalist community.

This statistic indicates the close and extensive nature of the loyalist paramilitaries’ relationship with some members of the Protestant community. It also seems particularly significant considering the high numbers of Protestants within the PSNI, and its predecessor the RUC, and the firm relationship between the police force and the Protestant community. It would have been valuable to pursue the relationship between paramilitaries and young people in more depth, especially as young people acknowledge that the paramilitaries perpetrate violence both against other communities, as well as within their own.

Young people’s attitudes towards the police appear to be relatively negative, and indicate a degree of alienation. 43% of respondents felt that ‘the current level of policing at interfaces increased the violence’.[3] However, the research does not indicate if young people thought the current level of police intervention was too high or too low. This omission confuses the understanding of the attitudes of young people to both interface policing and interface violence.

In terms of their direct experiences of the police, 65% felt that the police did not understand problems and issues experienced by young people in North Belfast. Over one third (36%) had been verbally harassed by the police, with a further third (33%) indicating that they had been stopped and searched for no apparent reason. However, these experiences were location dependent – those living outside North Belfast, tended to have more positive police experiences than those living in North Belfast.

Young people felt that the top three policing priorities should be: addressing interface violence, drug dealing/abuse, and paramilitary activity, which ranked equally with domestic violence. Undoubtedly linked with this, young people thought that improvements in policing could be obtained with more CCTV (44%) and greater community input on policing (41%).

The questionnaires indicated a complex attitude toward the emergency services. While 99% of young people agreed it was not ‘ok’ to throw missiles at ambulances or fire engines, 27% did believe it was acceptable to attack police cars or Land Rovers. This clearly indicates a highly negative attitude towards the police, and the belief that the police should and can be, direct ‘players’ in community violence. However, the percentage of respondents who fell into this latter category, were more likely to live inside North Belfast (32% vs. 19%), and more likely to be Catholic (30% vs. 25%).

Young people’s attitudes to the fire and ambulance services were positive, with over 50% rating them as professional, helpful, offering a good service and understanding. These figures fell drastically when considering the police: 49% of respondents thought the police to be militaristic, 56% considered them biased and only 30% considered them to be professional. However, as before, religious affiliation played a role – more Catholics viewed the police in a negative light than Protestants. The correlation between community background and attitude toward the police can be traced to the legacy of the RUC, the disproportionably Protestant make-up of both the RUC and the new PSNI, and the both perceived and actual harassment of some members of the Catholic community by the police. This can be further seen in the percentages of young people who would consider joining the emergency services: 31% would join the ambulance service, 29% the fire service in comparison to only 12% the police.

The research also included eight focus groups: six groups of youths aged 12-18 from the Ardoyne-Glenbryn area, two groups of police officers and four interviews with community representatives. While the focus groups clearly enhanced the research, it would have been beneficial to include a wider number of community representatives and community workers, who often act as the direct link between young people and the police, and are ideally placed to offer a realistic picture of young people’s attitudes and experiences. Secondly, it is not stated where the PSNI groups were drawn from and whether they had direct and continued experience of North Belfast. It is thus difficult to ascertain whether their comments are based on direct experience of events and police action or if they are reflecting, second-hand, the experiences of other PSNI members. Finally, it would be helpful to know how the young people were selected to take part in the focus groups.

Two key themes emerged from the focus groups. Firstly, the fact that all the youth involved in the focus groups had experience of, or were aware of, violence and disorder (both in their communities and travelling to school), which would reinforce the questionnaire results. Secondly, negative experiences of the police such as low level harassment had contributed to young people’s alienation from the police.

The most common incident was school buses being attacked. Several participants had been verbally assaulted as a result of their school uniform. The police indicated there had been a decrease in school related incidents, based in part on co-operation between the police, schools and the bus company, and on-going work with communities. Though protecting buses took a disproportionate amount of police resources, their significance as a catalyst for more violent exchanges was clearly acknowledged by the police participants.

Community life was viewed negatively by many participants – citing a lack of resources, facilities and investment. Youths perceived the other community as better off than their own, in terms of facilities and housing. The impact of paramilitaries was clear: Protestant youth felt that their community had more problems due to the disputes amongst loyalist groups. Yet both groups of young people felt drugs were a key problem in their community and had ‘a strong belief that paramilitaries controlled the supply of drugs and that the police were limited in actions to take’. [4]

Associating with youth from communities of the other religious affiliation was felt to be difficult; although females were more supportive of such initiatives, ‘none would go out of their way to participate’. [5]

As with the questionnaire findings, the focus groups perceived the majority of violent incidents as sectarian. The roles of young people in this violence appear to be demarcated by gender – with young males as perpetrators and young females providing vocal support. The role of adults in such situations was less that of active participants, and more as instigators of the violence.

The policing of interfaces in North Belfast was criticised – with claims that the police often avoided getting involved. In contrast, the police claimed that limited resources meant that public disorder was often filmed and then arrests made the following day. Interestingly, the police cited ‘Youths Causing Annoyance’ (YCA) as the key policing priority in North Belfast. At no point did young people perceive themselves to be a problem for the police and wider community. However, neither did the police consider themselves as causing any difficulties for the community – this research clearly indicates that the perception and role of the police is highly contentious and problematic.

Paramilitaries were viewed by the focus groups as a continuing force, exerting control and influence over both communities. Interestingly, young people claimed that this control had directly contributed to the decline in riots in recent years. According to the report, “Both paramilitary groups have made people stop because it is in their interests to keep a control of the current situation” (Catholic female)[6]

CCTV was linked to the decrease in violence at interface areas. However the police emphasized the work done with community workers from both sides, was a contributing factor to the decline. Attitudes toward CCTV varied depending on community origin, with some Catholic youth feeling that the CCTV cameras had been put in place to monitor the republican/nationalist community. Similarly, Catholic youths felt that more members of their community had been arrested due to CCTV footage.

The parades was the one issue upon which there was no common ground – despite the fact that youth from both communities associated parades with disorder and violence. The research indicates that youth are ‘heavily influenced by adults within their communities’ with regard to the arguments for or against parades. [7]

In keeping with the questionnaire findings, the youth focus groups revealed negative experiences of the police. Particularly relevant is the belief by young people that the police treat the communities differently. Partly as a result of these perceptions, young Protestants were more likely than young Catholics to consider joining the police force. Concerning the other emergency services, and as with the questionnaire results, young people clearly distinguished between attacking emergency vehicles (negative) and attacking the police (acceptable).

The majority of young people viewed future relationships between the communities in a negative light. Despite the decrease in violence, underlying tensions remained. However, some participants did hold more optimistic views; for instance that people were learning from the past.

On a general level, throughout all of the areas covered by the research, several key factors interplay with young people’s experiences and attitudes towards violence.

Those young people who were educated and lived in North Belfast were more likely to have suffered from, and been involved in, community violence and public disorder. Their attitude toward the police and paramilitaries differed both between communities, and between their home locations. For instance, young people living outside North Belfast were more likely to cite the police as having the most authority in their own communities. Community background played a role in defining young people’s perceptions of the police and police behaviour. Catholic youth were more likely to have a negative view of the police, to believe that the police was ‘picking on’ the republican/nationalist community, and least likely to consider joining the force. Gender differences came into play in areas such as levels of intimidation as a result of violence. Young females were more likely to believe their movements were restricted because of their community background, and more likely to be intimidated by violence. This was perhaps because they were the most likely group to report having been attacked. However, they were more likely to participate in cross-community activities. Finally and perhaps most obviously, the older the respondents, the more likely they were to have had experience of violence and public disorder.

Firstly, this research indicates the depths to which sectarian and inter-communal violence has impacted upon the lives of young people in North Belfast. Significantly although 75% of respondents indicated they have friends from a different religious community, the vast majority had experienced violence and public disorder. It is critical to see how individual relationships can be played out against a backdrop of sectarian violence. It would have been constructive if the research had explored, in greater detail, young people’s attitudes towards those relationships and how the badges of community (such as school uniform) are able to become a trigger for harassment/violence.

The links between external violence, manifested on the streets, and internal violence, manifested as sexual violence and domestic abuse, are not fully explored within this research. However, the authors do make the link, and indicate that while young people have stated they have experience of particular incidents, it does not necessarily follow that they have either been involved in or subjected to, such activities. It might have been pertinent to follow the link between street violence, and violence within the home, and attempt to correlate the two i.e. do instances of domestic abuse increase with public disorder/violence in the community?

The full psychological impact of community violence and public disorder was also ignored by the research. Children growing up in an environment where violence and public disorder are sanctioned and encouraged are more likely to perpetuate that violence (both within the home and on the streets) as they grow up. Hence, it would be advantageous to see if young people’s suicide or self-harm rates increased at times of community violence, for instance; or how they socialise their younger siblings into participating in violence.

The use of alcohol was briefly noted in the research by those young people questioned in the focus group. However, the role of alcohol in public disorder has been clearly mentioned in a variety of research and media reports. It is thus surprising that the researchers did not explore this connection – for instance, were young people more likely to harass/intimidate/create disorder and violence if they had been drinking alcohol? Drugs are a feature of community life in North Belfast, yet the interaction between drugs and community violence was not examined.

The research indicated that young people had limited activities after school, and where ‘the only thing they could do was ‘get carry-outs’ at the weekend and drink with their friends’. [8] Recent events in the Ardoyne on 12 July 2005 saw high levels of young people engaging with community violence, fuelled by alcohol consumption. A participant in the focus group claimed: ‘sometimes you have adults who organise the riot and have the kids to start it….so they can finish it.’[9] It would be relevant to see if the adults who encourage young people’s participation in violence, also purchase alcohol for them. [10]

The relationship between the police and young people seemed ambiguous and fraught. Young people appear to feel victimised by the police, whose attention is, in their eyes, disproportionate to their activities. Compounding this is the fact that young people from both communities feel that police behaviour toward their community is disproportionately harsh in contrast to the other community. However the police rank as the figures with the most authority in their communities, and the group to whom young people would go if they needed assistance. But when it came to addressing community violence directly, the police were viewed as ineffective. The police appear to occupy a complex position in the psyche of North Belfast’s youth – viewed as both friend and foe. Surely it is this element which encourages a continued fracturing of the relationship between the police and young people, and contributes to wider community disengagement from the police.

Young people remained ignorant that they were the primary policing issue in their community, as ‘Youths Causing Annoyance’. It would appear a fundamental communication barrier exists between the police and young people over this issue. Perhaps it would be valuable for the police to explore clear methods of talking to young people about the problems they cause, so young people could then distinguish between policing and harassment. Similarly, it would be useful if the police could be enabled to understand that they are also part of the problem.

The recommendations, while appropriately addressed to the Northern Ireland Policing Board, who sponsored the research, seem to ignore some of the key issues which emerged in this report. For instance, the research fails to fully examine the socialisation process of community violence; how youths can be both victims and perpetrators of sectarian violence, yet maintain cross community relationships. Though this is perhaps an issue for community workers, if a multi-sectoral approach is to be fully advocated, then there needs to be an acknowledgement of all the contributing factors to violence and public disorder. Similarly, though the report noted that adults are often the authors of community violence, and often direct the youth within this violence – no recommendation addressed this specific issue. Surely to prevent continued socialisation into violence, it would be constructive for the police to directly work with these adults and address their influence over the community’s youth.

From the perspective of research methodology, one can conclude that it might have been advantageous to further investigate the ‘link’ relationships which exist in North Belfast. Community workers for instance often mediate between the police and young people, yet the researchers appear to have paid scant attention to their potential input. Likewise, no research appears to have been carried out with the parents of young people regarding these issues. As parents, at least in the early years, play a key role in shaping their children, it would be relevant to see how issues of violence, and attitudes towards the police, are addressed within the family unit.

Finally, though tensions between communities have decreased, and direct incidents of violence have been relatively contained, this research clearly indicates the pessimistic view young people have on the future of North Belfast. Most pertinently, a negative view of the police and the appearance of a continued lack of engagement between the police and young people will surely serve to worsen community/police relationships, and increase the potential for the emergence of violence.

The recommendations put forward in this report, appear to confirm the limited terms of the research brief, and the research sponsor. While a multi-agency approach is advocated, there is little to suggest which agencies the authors refer too or what roles they should have in this process. Nor do the authors make recommendations concerning the authority figures in the lives of young people, such as teachers and parents and how they may be able to address the issues raised in the report. A multi-agency approach should perhaps be re-defined to encompass these individuals.

The PSNI needs to address, by outreach work through youth groups and schools, different community perceptions of the police amongst young people. Most specifically, the PSNI needs to state the differences between the RUC and the PSNI, and to dispel the myths which may well be influencing the views of young people. The PSNI need to utilise relevant material such as websites, posters and leaflets to promote a positive image of the police.

The PSNI needs to fully and actively engage with community workers, youth workers, teachers, and clergy as well as ordinary community members, in a multi-stranded approach to address the concerns of young people. This could take the form of monthly meetings to discuss incidents of violence (both public and private) and commitments to support and protect young people. On specific issues raised in the research, those who work with young people could design and implement projects which directly tackle the issues; for example addressing perceptions and realities of travel around North Belfast. In this case, such projects should contribute to increased mobility around north Belfast, and an increase in cross-community friendships, which in turn could reduce youth-on-youth violence.

Community workers, youth workers, police, teachers and clergy need to be made aware of the links between violence on the streets and within the home, and be able to respond accordingly. For example, leaflets and posters should be created to both acknowledge the link between domestic abuse and public disorder, and to encourage young people to seek help.

The PSNI need to address the role of adults as instigators of violence by young people. This could either take the form of community meetings or limiting contact between such individuals and young people. Regardless of the approach chosen, the PSNI need to introduce a public and sustained campaign against youth involvement in violence/disorder and the role of adults in encouraging this involvement.

The PSNI should make public and direct links between various elements of their work, in a way which is accessible and relevant to young people. For instance, how drugs and paramilitary activity are connected, or how young people’s roles in riots are exploited by adults. A new approach to publicly declaring ‘joined-up’ policing should improve youth perceptions of the police.

The PSNI need to increase the number of basic foot patrols in North Belfast; where increased visibility and the reduction of barriers between police and young people, should open opportunities for dialogue.

Activities for young people should provide an attractive and realistic alternative to both alcohol consumption and public disorder/violence. The sustainability of such activities should be carefully considered to prevent young people from being disillusioned by organised activities, with clarity on how long the project will last and how many can participate. The design of any such projects needs to be achieved in direct and continued consultation with young people.

The PSNI need to utilise community and educational structures to explain basic police procedures to young people; the guidelines on stop and search, the reasons behind the policy, and the human rights of young people, would contribute to a better relationship. Secondly, the PSNI need to educate young people on their own roles within their communities, and the impact of ‘youths causing annoyance’.

The PSNI need to address youth-on-youth violence. By using community workers and teachers, the police could begin to understand the contradiction between the fact that young people have friends of different religious affiliations and yet still participate in violence against young people from the other community.

The PSNI need to be realistic in their approach when consulting with young people. Teenagers are notoriously disinterested in working positively with authority figures and are highly cynical of schemes put forward by institutions such as the police. Hence any attempts at utilising teenspeak for instance should be done with care. However, a little innovation on the part of the police has the power to actively and positively engage with young people. By utilising the knowledge of those who spend the most time with young people (i.e. community workers and parents) and indeed young people themselves, the police have the potential to overcome these barriers.

[1] Young people’s attitudes and experiences of policing, violence and community safety in North Belfast

P. 12

[2] Ibid. P. 36

[3] Ibid. P. 34

[4] Ibid. P. 45

[5] Ibid. P. 45

[6] Ibid. P. 49

[7] Ibid. P. 51

[8] Ibid P. 44

[9] Ibid P. 47

[10] The legal purchase age for alcohol is 18, hence it could be concluded that young people are able to get alcohol mainly through adults who purchase it on their behalf.

RESPONSE TO POLICING BOARD's RESEARCH ON

YOUNG PEOPLE'S ATTITUDES TO THE POLICE

06 September, 2005 |